October, 2003

'The welfare of mankind must be the primary objective of all our policies and laws'

Interview with HRH Prince EL Hassan Bin Talal

Interviewed by Sawsan Hussein

Prince El Hassan bin Talal of Jordan, son of the late King Talal bin Abdel-Aziz, is a prominent Arab intellectual whose conviction that all political, social and cultural issues must be approached from a primarily humanistic point of view has been reflected in his work and writing. Prince El Hassan has founded and participated in numerous Jordanian, Arab and international organisations involved in the pursuit of peace, dialogue between cultures and religions, and the general welfare of mankind. He has been an active proponent of Palestinian rights, publishing a study regarding the status of Jerusalem in 1979, The Palestinian Right to Self-Determination in 1981 and In Search of Peace in 1989. His interest in religions and inter-religion dialogue is reflected in his works Christianity in the Arab World, published in 1994 in Arabic, English, French, German, Russian, Greek and Spanish, as well as To Be a Muslim, published in 2001 in Italian, French and Spanish, and soon to appear in English. His latest publication -July 2003- responds to the latest Arab crisis, the situation in Iraq, and is titled The Iraqi Question, in Memory of King Faisal I -in Arabic-.

The following is a summary of some of Prince El Hassan's views as expressed in the interview.

The role of ethics in global politics:

Ethics and values must play an important role in enabling the international system to pursue the best interests of humanity and to transcend the limitations of present laws. We need a new model of international relations based on a global social contract that strengthens the bonds between peoples and respects their differences, and that is based on a deep sense of partnership in humanity. All peoples and cultures are capable of making a contribution to the development of this global ethical system, which is, by definition, inclusive in nature and based on mutual respect, tolerance and justice. Our greatest challenge is to establish such a system through the implementation of far-sighted and judicious policies. There is no magic solution to the problems of poverty, hunger, disease and unemployment. They can only be successfully resolved through an approach that places the satisfaction of human needs as the primary objective of all policies and laws. All issues of a political, scientific or technological nature must be approached from a humanistic point of view. The principle of altruism must be translated into concrete efforts and policies that result in empowering the poor and giving them a stake in society.

A culture of peace:

The world must focus its efforts on the establishment of a culture of peace. This relates to the problem of civil and regional conflicts as well as domestic stability. In order to achieve domestic stability and security, we require social peace, which can only be attained through a continuous and serious pursuit of political, social and economic justice. In order to protect human dignity, and provide for human needs and aspirations we must create an environment that encourages participation. Through focusing on education, raising awareness and exchanging expertise, allowing the media to play an enlightening and enlightened role, we can eventually achieve a culture - an environment - that promotes social peace.

The same principle applies to armed civil and regional conflicts, which have become so widespread in today's world. In the Third World, they are costing thousands of lives, and causing a significant setback to local, regional and international development efforts. Our challenge is to adopt effective and flexible strategies to halt the threat these scattered wars pose. To establish a culture of peace entails much more than the mere absence of war. It is the means towards establishing a just and equitable resolution that effectively puts an end to the causes of conflict.

The role of the media and educational institutions is crucial in the successful creation of a culture of peace. In the Arab world, we need to improve the professional standards of our media. This can best be done through creating a liberal environment for them to operate in, as well as making available a high level of education and training and providing generous funding and wise management.

The Arab media played an impressive, and courageous, role in covering the war in Iraq. Great efforts were made to use to a higher level of professionalism and to give a more accurate presentation of events on the ground. As a result, perhaps for the first time, we can look with hope to the future of the Arab media, and its ability to reach international public opinion. There is still a long way to go, however, as this media is still largely limited in scope and lacking in professionalism, its presentations often neither objective nor credible.

With the view of improving communication between the Islamic world and the West, I recently launched the initiative 'Partners in Humanity' -Amman, Jordan 26-27 July 2003-, in partnership with a group from the US 'In Search of Common Ground.' This effort involves a number of international and national, governmental and non-governmental organisations. It will seek to promote dialogue through focusing on educational institutions and media organisations.

Cultural and civilisational interaction:

I have long been involved in the effort to build bridges between different cultures and religions. Such bridges are best built through dialogue, which enhances the understanding of other peoples and cultures and therefore promotes tolerance and cooperation. It is with this aim in view that I joined in the 1990s - with the late Yehudi Menuhin, the famous British violinist and musician - in the call for the establishment of a 'Parliament of Cultures.' In July 2002, I succeeded, in cooperation with Prof Dr Ihsan Dogramaci, president of Bilkent University in Ankara and chairman of its board of trustees, in establishing the International Foundation of Cultures. The city of Istanbul was chosen as a fitting host to this organisation, as it is a meeting point between east and west. The foundation aims to promote dialogue and enhance understanding between cultures. Intellectuals from various cultures meet and debate within the framework of the organisation's 'parliament,' which includes a general assembly, a permanent committee, an executive and a membership committee. Members are chosen to represent different cultural and regional backgrounds.

There is a great interest and need in the West to understand Islam, especially in the aftermath of 11 September 2001. I attempted to present a simplified but accurate presentation of the fundamentals of Islam to the western public in the book To Be a Muslim. It was well received; the Italian version was on the best-selling list in Italy for a long time. An improved and expanded version will soon appear in English to help redress the negative connotations of fundamentalism and terrorism that have become linked to Islam in western minds.

Human solidarity requires the interaction of various cultures within the framework of a single human civilisation. We live in one world, and have one human civilisation that includes 10,000 cultures. To exclude or destroy any of these cultures is to make the world a poorer place. Cultures that are excluded or threatened may resort to violence. What we are experiencing in the world today is definitely not a conflict of civilisations, but rather a conflict of interests and world views. There will always be conflict in the world; what we must do is protect the ethics of human solidarity and ensure they are passed on from one generation to the next.

The Palestinian issue:

The problem is that there is an absence of a collective international will to reach a political solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict. The latest proposal, the Road Map, is in general an acceptable approach in view of the present situation, and enjoys Palestinian, Arab and international endorsement despite its loopholes and ambiguities. There is, however, need for additional efforts by all these parties to translate the map into practical steps and a specific plan of action to which both parties must abide and which is subject to external monitoring and evaluation.

The references in the plan to the Palestinian state of indefinite shape and incomplete sovereignty will not satisfy the Palestinians. The Palestinians aspire to a state within the borders of 5 June 1967, which are recognised by the international community through UN Security Council resolutions 242, 338 and 1397. The proposed Israeli conception of a Palestinian state, without defined borders and without sovereignty, is completely alien to international legal concepts. Ignoring Palestinian aspirations in this respect will only mean a continuation of conflict and instability in the region.

The issue involves not only a Palestinian land but also a Palestinian people. Israel has continued to ignore the issue of Palestinian refugees throughout the last 50 years, although it is the cornerstone for peace and stability in the area. Israel tries to deny the very existence of the issue, and absolves itself of all responsibility either for forcing the Palestinians to seek refugee in the first place, or to give them the right to return, regain their property or receive compensation for the hardships they have endured.

UN resolution 194, of 1998, created an acceptable and practical basis for solving the problem of refugees. The International Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 gives individuals the right to leave their homeland and the right to return regardless of the reasons for their departure. This resolution stipulates, in Article 11, that refugees must be allowed to return to their homes, and those not able to must be compensated. This is both realistic and practical, as it is not expected that all refugees will be able to return to their homes. It is imperative to recognise this right in order to be able to discuss details, as well as to build trust. But there are many considerations involved in transforming this principle into a plan of action, and there are countless economic, personal, political and practical considerations that prevent many refugees from returning.

Israel has recently passed a number of laws aimed at establishing the 'Jewish nature' of the state of Israel that are both racist and a violation of human rights. To maintain the illusion of a Jewish state, Israel is willing to see more casualties, a continuation of instability, and to lose the region one more opportunity to break the cycle of violence, and political, economic, social and humanitarian disintegration.

Public opinion in the West, as well as major decision-making institutions, does not have a clear picture of the humanitarian and legal dimensions of the refugee problem. What information they do have is in need of updating. The Palestinians must revise their discourse, in general, to make it more in tune with the language of the international community, especially after 11 September 2001. The Palestinians alone, however, cannot undertake the task of revising and updating the way in which the refugee problem is presented to the international community. This is a project suited to the capabilities of the Arab League, which must propose solutions and enhance international awareness of the issues involved in order to confront Israeli assertions, such as that the return of Palestinian refugees will mean the destruction of the state of Israel and that Israeli occupation of Palestinian land is the only alternative to terrorism. Presenting a coherent Arab case on the current condition of refugees and its implications for regional stability to western civil and governmental institutions is an arduous and difficult task, but it is not an impossible one.

The Arab regional system:

There is no shortage of protocols and agreements organising Arab cooperation. There is, however, an absence of a collective Arab will to move beyond the prevailing mindset concerned with mere survival towards a culture that promotes participation and construction. In order to reorganise the Arab regional system, in political as well as economic terms, we must arrive at a new definition of the public good. The Arabs would do well to emulate the European example, progressing towards unification in a manner which is gradual and which is focused on maximising the interests of their peoples.
The same principle applies to the issue of reforming the Arab League. The league's strength derives from the individual and collective strength of its members. It can only be reformed and modernised through an effort of a collective Arab will.

We must not overindulge in sharing out blame for the weakness displayed by the Arabs in the face of developments in Iraq. We must not, on the other hand, submit to prevailing confusion and the cascade of reform initiatives that have appeared without the benefit of thorough deliberation and collective Arab consensus.

With respect to Iraq, the Arabs must focus their efforts on preserving it as an integral part of the Arab regional system. The Arabs must make humanitarian concerns, the welfare of the Iraqi people, and the importance of guaranteeing their dignity and safety their primary focus. The pursuit of imminent material gains, the rush to get 'a piece of the cake' in the reconstruction of Iraq, may well alienate Iraq from its Arab environment. In losing Iraq, the Arab regional system would lose a cherished, noble, ancient and important member. Joint Arab action is imperative, and perhaps the Arab League will be able to compensate, in part, for the absence of a collective Arab will at this point. I remain optimistic that the Arabs can overcome their present disarray. The institutions of civil society, our enlightened and dedicated Arab elite, can play an important role through stimulating dialogue and encouraging constructive integration.