This study is intended as a preliminary exploration that could inspire experts in African affairs to launch large-scale research projects. This paper reflects my personal academic and scientific experience in the field of African political studies. It aims to stimulate dialogue and discussion over this important topic and open the way for a more comprehensive and critical evaluation of Egyptian political thought during the last half-century, thus serving Egyptian interests in Africa.

To begin, I would like to note some important points:

- The paper tackles a time period starting half a century ago, more specifically since the July Revolution of 1952.

- The number of those concerned with African political affairs during the period covered does not exceed 20 specialists and researchers, whether in the academic field or the media. Some have shifted their focus to other fields, probably because of the political aspect of their work or because research into African affairs is not financially profitable. Dr Abdel-Malek Auda, the dean of African political studies at Cairo University, stands out as the most important researcher into African studies as a result of his uninterrupted interest in the field since the late 1950s.

- The number of Egyptian books on African political affairs is less than 30, most written by Dr Abdel-Malek Auda.

- Less than 100 Masters and PhD theses have been written on African political affairs in all Egyptian universities. Most of these come from the African Research & Studies Institute, which has had a political department since the early 1970s; the political science department of the Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University; and the Arab Studies Institute of the Arab League.

- Less than 200 articles and studies on African political affairs have been published by Egyptian periodicals during the period under study, most of which appeared in Al-Siyassa Al-Dawliya. While the African Research & Studies Institute has published its African Studies journal since the 1970s, its publication is irregular and its distribution poor.

- The various attempts to publish an Egyptian magazine or journal on African affairs have all failed. The African Association in Cairo began a magazine called African Renaissance, after the failure of which it released the monthly African Message, in Arabic, English and French, though this was also doomed to failure. The association then created the African Studies journal, only two issues of which saw the light of day. The Egyptian Committee for the Solidarity of the African and Asian Peoples also released a periodical, Africa, which again only published two issues. The last attempt was a quarterly periodical, African Horizons, published by the General Information Authority. It has published 16 issues to date, and has since been put on hold for one year.

- Conferences and seminars held by Egyptian scientific institutes fared better. The African Research & Studies Institute held several seminars, the most important in this context being: “The International Seminar on the African Century,” “The International Seminar on the Nile Basin,” “Egypt and Africa: The Path of Relations in a Changing World” and “Conflicts and Civil Wars in Africa.” In addition, the Political Research & Studies Centre of the Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Cairo University held a number of seminars on Afro-Arab relations, as did the Developing Countries Research & Studies Centre.

- The Egyptian academic institutions concerned with African affairs are still modest in comparison with Egypt’s status and the role it could play in Africa. The African Research & Studies Institute is more focused on education than research, and many of its students lose interest in African affairs after graduation. The institute is still looking to assert its research role and for this purpose it established the African Research Centre. Cairo University’s Faculty of Economics and Political Science, meanwhile, has seen an upturn in the field of African affairs as a result of the establishment of the Developing Countries’ Research & Studies Centre and the Afro-Egyptian Studies Programme. While the African Association in Cairo is publishing less, the Arab Research Centre is performing a pioneering role in translating African political work issued by prominent African research institutions.

- The academic field in Egypt concerning African political studies is still very limited. This is reflected both in the number of African countries dealt with in studies and research and in the subjects of the research itself. Studies on African political systems have been made for less than one-third of African countries, mostly Anglophone ones. Most of these studies are descriptive in nature, while those addressing international relations are limited to Arab-African relations, Egyptian-African relations, Israeli-African relations, US-African relations and Soviet-African relations (previously) without much attention to the network of inter-African relations outside the context of the African Union. In addition, most of these studies are not devoted to African political thought, nor do they reach a level of field research that tackles specific topics in depth, such as minorities, human rights, women, environment, civil society, elections, party activity, and the role of legislative, executive and judicial institutions, etc. Most importantly, most of these studies do not attempt to propose a vision for how Egyptian politics can be influential in Africa.

In this context, my discussion of Egyptian political thought concerning African issues is divided into the following areas:

1- Egypt’s African identity

2- Liberation and self-determination

3- Borders and civil wars

4- African political systems

5- International relations

1- Egypt’s African identity

Since the African circle was identified as the second pillar of Egyptian foreign political activity in Gamal Abdel-Nasser’s The Philosophy of Revolution, Egypt’s policymakers have given special attention to Africa. However, Egypt’s political occupation with the Arab-Zionist conflict has reduced its attention to Africa, and thus the size and content of studies. This has led many experts in African affairs to change their focus, while others have tried to draw a link between Arab and African issues, especially concerning the confrontation of the apartheid regimes in Palestine and South Africa. This has affected the official and academic vision of Egypt’s identity. Until now, Africa is looked on as “the other,” implying that Egypt is not part of the continent. Accordingly, we find that studies, research and seminars carry titles such as “Egyptian foreign policy towards Africa” and “Egypt and Africa.” Egyptians do not perceive their country as African, nor themselves as Africans; they are Arabs in an Arab country. In this context, Egyptian studies differentiate between Arab Africa – north of the Sahara – and sub-Saharan Africa. As a result, North Africa is dealt with within the context of Arab studies and the sub-Saharan region within African studies.

This point of view is shared by many African academics also, who view North Africa as an Arab region outside the scope of African studies. Some, however, have attempted to alter this division, which they see as a legacy of colonialism. Cheikh Anta Diop of Senegal, for example, believes that the Pharaonic civilisation should be dealt with as an African civilisation in the same way as the Greek civilisation is considered a major component of European history.

We must recognise, then, that there is still both an implicit and explicit rejection of the idea of Egypt’s African identity.

2- Liberation and self-determination

Following the July Revolution, Egypt took a pioneering stance towards issues of self-determination. Egypt gave the right of self-determination to Sudan, which declared its independence in 1956, and provided all forms of support to liberation movements across Africa. While the Egyptian stance towards Sudan was based on a position of principle, it allowed Egypt to avoid the enormous problems faced by other African countries that refused to follow suit. As a result of South Africa’s refusal to grant Namibia its independence, liberation movements maintained a struggle until their success in the 1990s. Ethiopia’s refusal to grant independence to Eritrea was the cause of a 30-year war that ended with Eritrean independence in 1993. Morocco’s refusal to leave Western Sahara is the reason for an armed struggle that has yet to be solved.

Yet the principle that Egypt endorsed in its approach to Sudan was not reflected in the work of Egyptian academics, nor was it examined in a comparative context. Some Egyptian academics opposed Egypt’s stance towards Sudan. Others took an ideological approach, supporting Eritrea’s independence, then opposing it once Megisto came to power in Ethiopia, raising a Marxist banner and receiving the support of the Soviet Union. At the same time, the stance of Egyptian researchers into African affairs remains ambiguous on the matter of self-determination for the people of Western Sahara, although they tend to support the official Egyptian stance that it is part of Morocco.

3- Borders and civil wars

One of the primary Africa-related concerns of Egyptian political thought has been that of borders. Egyptian academics view these borders as artificial, created by colonial powers without any consideration of natural or human factors. By extension, they consider these borders to be time bombs waiting to explode into conflict between the majority of African countries, threatening the stability and security of the continent. In this regard, one researcher hailed the resolution of the first Organisation of African Unity (OAU) summit, held in Cairo in 1946, that calls on the countries of Africa to respect their inherited borders and not to seek to change them through force. What he described as “the principle of the sanctity of borders” became recognised as a principle of the OAU although it is not included in its charter.

However, the theory that artificial borders would be a primary cause of conflict in Africa was proved wrong during the four decades that followed the independence of most African countries. Only four wars have erupted over borders since the 1960s: between Algeria and Morocco, Libya and Chad, Somalia and Ethiopia, and Eritrea and Ethiopia.

Meanwhile, the threat of civil war was not early on recognised by Egyptian scholars, although they erupted in Sudan 1955, Congo 1960 and Nigeria 1967, and since then in 17 other nations. In fact, while Egyptian political thought regarding border conflicts should have been based on the principles of sovereignty and respect for regional integrity – both principles of the OAU – it was in fact much more subjective. There was a bias towards Algeria in its border war with Morocco; silence when Libya occupied the Aozou Strip in Chad – even after the International Court of Justice ruled that Libya must withdraw; apparent support for the Somali seizure of Ogaden from Ethiopia; and a certain satisfation that Ethiopia won its war with Eritrea. In the last case, this reflected animosity towards Eritrea because of its occupation of the Yemeni Hanish islands, its refusal to join the Arab League, and the belief that it was cooperating with Israel, which would pose a threat to Arab national security.

Thus ideology seems to have influenced Egyptian political thought towards these wars. A revolutionary Algeria was chosen over Morocco; Libya and Somalia were supported because they are Arab; and Eritrea was opposed because it refused to enter the Arab domain.

It seems that Egyptian political thought is much more balanced in its vision towards civil war in Africa, perhaps because with the exception of the civil wars in Sudan and Somalia, these all occurred in non-Arab African countries. The vision is centred around respect for state sovereignty and the regional integrity of African countries, and rejects the division of these countries into smaller units on the basis of ethnicity or religion in such a way as would threaten stability and security in the continent. This vision is in keeping with the earlier Egyptian official position that led the government to send peacekeeping forces to Congo during the Katanga crisis and to assist the central government of Nigeria in its war with separatists in Biafra. The same stance was also clear in Egypt’s attempts to resolve the crisis in Somalia in such a way as would protect the unity of the country, even if many have noticed of late a silence, both on the official and academic levels, that would suggest an acceptance of the current status quo in the country. Similarly, a number of researchers in Egypt seem to accept the independence of southern Sudan as long as it is welcomed by all parties to the conflict and would result in stability.

4- African political systems

During the Cold War period, the focus of African studies in Egypt within the context of African political systems was on two main issues: the one-party system and military regimes. As a result of the situation at the time and Egypt’s socialist leanings throughout the 1960s, most studies supported the one-party system in Africa and justified army intervention and military leadership, probably because of the Egyptian experience. The gist of the studies of the time was that African society was by nature socialist and classless, and that multiparty systems would threaten national integration at a time when African countries needed to establish a nation and form a national identity through national mobilisation and pooling efforts to achieve development. The military was viewed as an institution free of ethnic bias, a new and contemporary power with the tools to achieve its goals. As an institution committed to precision, it was considered able to fight corruption and to achieve national unity and comprehensive development.

It is thus rare to find an Egyptian research paper from this period that objectively evaluates the one-party system or military rule. Until the end of the 1970s, most studies aimed rather to provide justification, even though there were military coups both in countries with one-party and multiparty systems (such as Algeria, Ghana and Mali). However, when the balance of power began to shift in the favour of the West in the mid-1980s and with the end of the Cold War at the beginning of the 1990s, the research agenda of Egyptian academics underwent a significant transformation. Egyptian political thought turned its attention to two new issues: the problem of national integration and democratic transformation in Africa. This change in focus reflected a readiness to take into account international changes and the deterioration of the situation in Africa as the continent faced a wave of civil wars and unprecedented economic deterioration. It also reflected the changes appearing in Egyptian society with the shift towards a market economy and the attempts to emphasise a multiparty system.

Nevertheless, Egyptian researchers into African political affairs have not adopted the Western research agenda that appeared at the end of the Cold War. That is to say that they do not include in African studies such issues as women’s political participation, the conscription of children into civil war, the status of minorities, the environment, civil society or human rights. At the same time, Egyptian studies on the problems of national integration in Africa remain limited, primarily because such studies require field research that Egyptian academic institutions are unable to fund.

The majority of studies and research conducted largely attributes the problems in African countries to the presence of plurality – ethnic, religious, etc – ignoring the fact that most societies in the world deal with various forms of plurality. The problem, therefore, is rather one of how to manage this pluralism – be it ethnic, regional or religious – in order to satisfy the minimum demands of all groups in a given society.

A number of Egyptian researchers approached Africa’s democratic transformation with great optimism, considering it the beginning of a new era of political, economic and social prosperity. However, they failed to take into consideration that the democratic experiment – under the umbrella of capitalism – had failed drastically in the continent directly after independence. Most newly independent African countries adopted capitalism and multiparty systems alongside their inherited political systems, be they parliamentary or presidential. Moreover, this occurred at a much better time for African countries, with national fervour strong, acceptable infrastructure in place and economies much stronger than now, without debt crises and food shortages.

This urges us to ask an important question that should have been raised within the context of the optimistic vision of democratic transformation in Africa. This is: What is needed to make democratic transformation possible in Africa?

The continent’s democratic experience over the last decade does not appear promising. Civil war has spread, corruption has become rife and the economic situation has deteriorated. It seems that those optimistic over democratic transformation in Africa allowed their hopes and desires to override the objectivity of their analysis, the result being that they ignored the matter of the preconditions for such a transformation, which, in my opinion, are not ripe in Africa. This blinding optimism is indeed reminiscent of the Egyptian approach to the one-party system and military rule throughout the 1960s and early 1970s. This vision also failed to take into consideration a number of important factors, including local, regional and international developments, and was not even based on a clear understanding of Africa’s socioeconomic structure.

5- International relations

I have divided this topic into three areas: Egyptian-African relations; Arab-African issues; and Israeli-African relations.

Egyptian-African relations

There are a number of points to note with regard to Egyptian studies in this area:

- There are relatively few studies on Egyptian-African relations. These include two books – Egypt and the Algerian Revolution and Nasser and the African Revolution – a seminar entitled “Egypt and Africa: Relations in a Changing World” and the PhD thesis of a Senegalese student entitled “Egyptian Foreign Policy towards Africa in the 1970s.”

- No in-depth studies have been conducted in this field in Egypt for almost a decade.

- Most of the studies in this field focused on the supportive role of Egypt in African liberation movements and Egyptian activity in Africa, even though it is limited to the economic and technical domains.

- Egyptian work in this field is still unable to envision an Egyptian foreign policy strategy towards Africa in light of the current changes in the world order, the nature of current developments in Africa, and changes in Egyptian political trends internally and externally.

- These studies were unable to draft an ideological umbrella or even a framework in which Egyptian foreign policy could work to encourage other African countries to deal with Egypt, despite the many choices available in terms of how to interact with the rest of the continent. Egypt can work within the Islamic framework in West Africa; within the framework of national unity when dealing with countries suffering from problems of national integration; within the framework of mutual interests with the countries of the Nile basin; and within the framework of the African Union when dealing with the continent as a whole.

Arab-African relations

- Studies in this area started after the October 1973 war as a response to the stance of those African countries that cut diplomatic relations with Israel both during and after the war. The volume of such studies increased after the holding of the first, and last, Arab-African summit in March 1977.

- These studies appeared in the form of seminars and conferences held by Egyptian academic institutions (Cairo University’s faculties of economics and political science, and humanities, and the Arab Research & Studies Centre, etc). They also took the form of Masters and PhD theses in the Faculty of Economics and Political Science and the African Research & Studies Institute.

- Fewer studies were written on Arab-African relations in the early 1980s following Egypt’s signing of a peace agreement with Israel and the freezing of its membership in the Arab League. Interest in this area was revitalised in the 1990s, albeit in a limited way, in an attempt to find a new basis for Arab-African cooperation given that the old foundations lay in ruins. This cooperation was previously based on solidarity in the struggle against colonialism and joining forces to fight the apartheid regimes in Palestine and South Africa. After the collapse of South Africa’s apartheid regime, the signing of a peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, and the end of the Cold War, Arab-African cooperation needed a new basis – though there was disagreement as to whether this should be economic or cultural in nature.

- Contemporary studies in Arab-African relations suggest that the problems in this area stem from perceptions and capabilities. The Arab image of the African is negative, as is the African image of the Arab, which reduces the chances for mutual acceptance. Moreover, the Arabs’ ability to interact with Africa through imports and exports remains weak. Accordingly, the building of balanced and sustainable Arab-African relations will take time and effort. The starting point, however, should be to put an end to the colonialist and racist discourse regarding Africa as a “vital zone for Egypt and the Arabs,” or as a field for Egyptian labour, especially given that unemployment is a major problem across the continent.

Israeli-African relations

Those following Egyptian studies on Israeli-African relations will see that their content was very much linked to events in the 1970s and early 1980s. The most important points to note in this regard are as follows:

- Studies in this area first appeared after the October 1973 war, during and after which many African countries froze their diplomatic relations with Israel. Such studies virtually disappeared in the mid-1980s after Egypt made peace with Israel and the countries of Africa restored their diplomatic ties with the country.

- These studies originally took the form of Masters and PhD theses, occasionally appearing in book form and in the form of a few articles.

- Most of the studies concentrated on Israeli foreign policy goals in Africa as well as the tools of these policies. Other themes included the similarities between the apartheid regimes in Israel and South Africa, and Zionist activities in the Nile basin region as a threat to Egyptian interests.

- There have recently been indications that Egyptian researchers see that the current situation necessitates that they deal with Israel as a normal state and accept its activities in Africa as normal state activity, which should be countered in a competitive rather than antagonistic manner. At the same time, however, many studies, mostly in the press, have attacked Eritrea for its supposed cooperation with Israel in all fields, even if concrete evidence of this is lacking.

- We can attribute the limited nature of studies in this field to the lack of a vision concerning the Israeli strategy in Africa or the Zionist project there. Such a vision would reveal Israel as an enemy that seeks to damage Arab national security. Therefore, research must be continued in order to create a strategy to confront Zionist activity in the continent.

Conclusion

There is a clear deficiency in the academic circles concerned with African affairs in Egypt. Many academics have left African affairs for Arab affairs as the latter is more respected and more highly rewarded. In addition, there is a dangerous lack of publications specialised in African affairs in which young researchers can publish their work or express their opinions. This is reflected in the volume of studies and research into African affairs and their content, which is largely based on library research of material published in western journals. It is not surprising then that these studies cover only a third of African countries, or that the topics addressed are extremely limited. The lack of funding for African studies has crippled researchers, who, without the ability to conduct in-depth field research, are only able to provide weak and general analyses.

Furthermore, most of the analyses and stances of Egyptian researchers of African affairs are either subjective or ideologically tainted. The views expressed tend to reflect the changes in Egyptian foreign policy from one stage to the next, or come as a response to trends in African countries and developments in the international system.

This situation ultimately reflects the vagueness of the Egyptian vision towards Africa. Indeed, Egypt lacks a strategic vision that defines the nature of its interests in Africa and the means necessary to protect them. Such a vision should be based on an objective understanding of the nature of the political, economic and social situation in Egypt and across the continent, as well as the changes that have occurred in the world order. This will allow Egyptian researchers and policymakers to predict the direction of developments and thus increase their chances of building strong, sustainable relations with the rest of Africa.

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